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An historical investigation into healing trajectories of selected megachurches in the South African religiosity space, 2010-2018
(University of Zululand, 2022) Mabuza, Lethabo Stanley
Contemporary South Africa is currently caught up in cross-road of incredulity of peculiar spiritual activities within religiosity space. The emergence of newly established churches, prophets and pastors in South Africa seems to be contributing factors on some questionable healing practices. In relation to some miracle practices, miracle healing today plays an important role in shaping the church existence in South African space. In some circumstances there were incidents couples with trending strange practices that form part of miracles which were taking place such as congregants made to eat grass, drink petrol, eat rats, snakes, spray doom and some cases putting ministers‟ shoe on women‟s private places and also standing on devotees‟ bodies. It is in view of the above incidents that this study focused on investigation into healing trajectories of selected megachurches in South African religiosity space from 2010-2018. In this regard, South African government has a huge role to play in order to enforce ethical principles onto some churches and religious groups. In this study the researcher employed a qualitative method approach. The aim of the study was to investigate into the healing trajectories of some selected megachurches in South African religiosity space. The design for the study was interpretative phenomenal hence included ethnographic, exploratory and contextual approaches. Non-probability and purposeful sampling procedures were employed in this study in which Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis strategy was also employed to analyse the data for the research. The researcher considered interpretative phenomenal approach to analyse the data in order to determine healing trajectories within megachurches in the South African religiosity space. The findings of the study were that: most of the megachurches perform miracles healing that are fake and unfounded, however, some participants indicated that they got spiritual, economic and social assistant from other megachurches that perform both healing and miracles. Criticism surfaced from the narrative of sick people who went and attended healing services to some megachurches with great hopes to be healed and such healing miracles did not happen. The study also found that social and economic aspects are the major contributing factors that propel people to flock to some megachurches both miracles and problem solving. The findings further revealed that in some megachurches faith and biomedicine are discouraged to be utilised by members, thus, pastors and prophets who discourage their members from considering biomedical treatments are found to be genocide. The findings also revealed that sexual abuse in some megachurches is a serious problem that constitutes unethical conduct by some prophets and pastors. It also surfaced from the findings that some church leaders visit Western African states for the purpose to acquire powers for healing from the African Traditional Healers. Findings also indicated that there are no distinctions between “major” and “white collar” prophets. Their (prophets) actions are similar. Both classes of prophets are after money and they both display criminal acts to their members. A numbers of sexual abuse on female followers and congregants were reported as others are still under SAPS investigations. The findings further suggests that regulation of churches and religious practices might attempt to solve the crisis of abusive pastors and prophets in some selected churches, this might be an opportunity where new and challenging religious problems would be curbed.
The Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 : the right hand column, with particular reference to the Zulu people defending themselves against the British invasion
(2002) Ntuli, Sihle Herbert; Cubbin, A.E.
I have long since been interested in the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879. I have come to realise that the many British versions need to be balanced by a more Zulu oriented approach. Therefore the purpose of this thesis is to attempt to present a Zulu perspective which I hope will encourage a popular Zulu involvement both in research and tourism. What is prominent in my thinking is bringing to the foreground the lesser known, but nevertheless, significant, coastal campaign of the Zulu War of 1879. As the campaign unfolds I will attempt to see the developments from the Zulu position as they defended their homeland from British aggfe3sion. They, especially the younger warriors, were prepared to die for their King and traditional way of life. They had a proud military tradition and were intent on victory once war broke out on 11th January.
An assessment of the roles of Frere and Cetshwayo in British hegemonistic ambitions in Southern Africa which led to the destruction and fragmentation of the Zulu State by the Anglo-Boer War of 1879
(2002) Nicolaides, Angelo; de Villiers, J.
This thesis provides a detailed account of events leading up to the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, and undertakes to explain inter-alia, why the war came about The focus of the study is thus on the roles of personalities including especially, Lord Carnarvon, Secretary of State for the Colonies), Theophilus Shepstone, (Natal's Secretary for Native Affairs), Sir Bartle Frere (the High Commissioner) and Cetshwayo kaMpande (King of Zululand). The war of 1879 arose out of predominantly British hegemonistic ambitions. Frere was entrusted by Carnarvon to implement a confederation policy in southern Africa. The latter consequently engineered a war on the pretext that the Zulu Kingdom was a menace to the Colony of Natal that had to be eliminated before confederation could be possible. Frere therefore exploited certain border incidents and maligned the character and rule of Cetshwayo whom he chose to label a tyrannical oppressor. Contrary to instructions from Sir Michael Hicks Beach at the Colonial Office and indeed the British Cabinet, Frere then sent an ultimatum to Cetshwayo that could not possibly have been accepted by the Zulus, given the nature of their polity - it would have lost its very way of life. Most of the issues can best be understood and analysed by looking at the Victorian Age and the promoters of British Imperialism. A salient feature of the Victorian Age was that Britons were by and large always likely to misinterpret some of the assumptions upon which African and indeed Zulu thought and actions were based. Victorians, such as Frere, by using their own set of values as the criteria for judgement, adopted postures in southern Africa which can only be interpreted as mischievous, false and irrelevant Frere was 'colonial' and patronizing and displayed an arrogance towards his superiors and the Zulus. Zulus had their own vivid perception of their problems, as well as their own sets of values, customs, beliefs , political and socio-economic structures. Frere was determined to manipulate events in southern Africa for his own ends and regarded himself as the champion of imperialism. He deluded himself further into regarding Cetshwayo as a monarch whose state was based on the institutions of militarism and forced labour- the very negation of liberty. It is evident that the relationship between Cetshwayo and his subjects was not a simple one but it was one which developed from Shakan times and which was clearly accepted by most subjects. As militaristic as it appeared to be, the Zulu state was not planning to embark on a war. It was forced by circumstances created by Frere into one which culminated in its dismemberment In reading the thesis and considering the various factors we should constantly bear in mind the questions: Was Frere sincere in his actions or was he out for personal aggrandisement and to what extent was Cetshwayo an oppressive autocrat?
Bilateral trade flows between South Africa and the BRICS member states, 2011 – 2015
(University of Zululand, 2018) Mthembu, Nokwazi Nombulelo Adora; Shamase, M.Z.
Bilateral trade flows among the BRICS member states thus far have contributed mutually between the progressions of each country and continue to. Nevertheless, South Africa‘s economy does not allow it to continue lagging behind its alliance partners. South Africa needed to be robust when it comes to the trade agreements with the group, since South Africa‘s economy has been scrabbling in growth in the past few years. With South Africa‘s economy still experiencing pressure from the global economic slowdown and domestic structural bottlenecks including labour unrest, unemployment remains high especially among young Africans and income inequality has increased. Economic growth has been volatile as the country has had to cope with the consequences of global crises. With all of these challenges the country is facing, one can only ask about where the aid of the BRIC countries is. Conversely, South Africa‘s role as the member of BRICS still remains cognisance. The bilateral flows of BRICS countries still remain largely influenced by the gains of China, however with time, the export and import performance continue increasing the volume of trade of each BRICS country, which also alone increases each country‘s economic activities like the FDI and the in-flow and out-flows of imports and exports industry.1 The BRICS countries today present an opportunity as new growth poles in a multi-polar world. As demonstrated during the global crisis when they played a pivotal role by recovering fast from the crisis; more than just that, the BRICS countries as a unit carry the capacity of changing the world on account of both the threats and the opportunities they present economically, socially and politically.2 Analysts and international agencies suggest and advice that investors should pay careful attention to the opportunities offered by BRICS member states and the impact and influence they carry globally.
The birth and evolution of the Military in Independent Swaziland 1973-2013
(University of Zululand, 2019) Sihlongonyane, Precious
Swaziland is one of the few African countries that has experienced neither a military coup nor a civil war, and has remained peaceful since independence in 1968 from the British. What transpired in Swaziland after independence was not uncommon in post-colonial Africa as evidence suggests that independent African states were motivated by numerous dynamics to build standing armies as security institutions. The intention of the study is to analyse the dynamics that led to the establishment and development of the Swazi army, and how this army has developed overtime and what interests it has served. The study intends to explore both the internal and regional circumstances that played an important role in the formation of the army in the country. The study also analyses the trajectory of the development of the Swazi army over the years with particular reference to its relations with general society.
A comparative study of the aims structure and strategies of the National Party and Inkatha National Cultural Liberation Movement in the decade 1975-1985
(1991) Shamase, Maxwell Zakhele; Maphalala, S.J.; de Villiers, J.
It is imperative to take cognizance of the fact that no study of this nature has ever been undertaken in the field of history in South Africa. This justifies the necessity of undertaking a comparative study of the aims, structure and strategies of the NP and Inkatha National Cultural Liberation Movement in the crucial decade 1975-1985. It was during that decade that these two political groupings moved closer to the political centre of gravity of South Africa. By this time the NP, in spite of preserving hegemonic principles on behalf of the White electorate and amid increased international isolation, had proved itself the invincible doyen in the body politic of South Africa. Inkatha cadres argued that their movement was born from the turbulent first half of the 1970's, spawned by Black resistance to apartheid and had authentic roots in the core of the liberation struggle. The principles and aims of the NP and Inkatha were devoid of discernible dissimilarities. One may assert, however, that it was enigmatic that such principles and aims could not compel the two groupings to solve the socio-economic and political problems facing South Africa in that decade. Such a dismal failure to seek solutions that would benefit all the people of South Africa reflected negatively on both the NP and Inkatha. In 1985 this emerged as a harbinger for the state of morass in South Africa's political scenario. The organisational structures of the NP and Inkatha remained by far the best organized in South Africa, capable of overwhelming any challenge mounted by other groups. In 1975 the NP as a party was organisationally functioning by means of the Congress, Head Council, Ward Councils, District Councils, Constituency Councils, Branches and Provincial leaders, while Inkatha had a bureaucratic structure from Branches, Regions, individual members to different conferences and decision-making bodies. The National Council (NC) was the policy-making body and represented all national leadership formations of Inkatha. It was not possible to stipulate how many members of Inkatha at any one time belonged to the NC. This was due to the fact that organizations were constantly affiliating to - the movement. The Congress was the supreme authority of the NP in each province. It discussed the draft resolutions submitted by the District Councils, the proposals submitted by the Head Council and the Federal Council, and motions submitted by members of the Congress. The organisational policies of the NP and Inkatha had vestiges of commonality. Both groupings accepted and respected the poly-ethnic nature of South Africa's population. They both endorsed the notion of a multi-party democracy, although the NP comprehended this in the context of separate development. Inkatha noted this as taking into account the fact that no single organisation, from whatever quarter, would be the sole determinant of the future of South Africa. Disinvestment, sanctions and violence were abhorred by both groupings as a strategy to dismantle apartheid. They favoured negotiation politics and non-violence both as objectives and strategies. Both groupings conveyed assurance to achievements of a political apparatus that could satisfy the political aspirations of all the country's communities through negotiations. The key to both the NP and Inkatha's organisational successes was their commitment to the traditions of constituency politics. They both believed that the ideal of constituency politics was best served by having a multiplicity of cross-cutting constituencies, each of which had its own specific objectives, but all of which had a basic common goal. It could be mentioned, however, that the different situations and platforms from which they operated, polarised them against each other. The NP and Inkatha's relations with both parliamentary and extra-parliamentary groupings created a hiatus in terms of their aims and strategies. This crippled the evolvement of consensus politics in South Africa. In the decade 1975-1985 the Parliamentary political groupings were the United Party (UP), the Progressive Reform Party (PRP), the Progressive Federal Party (PFP) , the New Republic Party (NRP) , the South African Party (SAP), the Conservative Party (CP), and the Herstigte Nasionale Party (HNP) . In principle, they agreed with the NP and Inkatha in standing for the just and equal treatment of all parts of South Africa and for the impartial maintenance of the rights and privileges of every section of the population, with due regard to the multi-ethnic reality and that of the existence of minorities in South Africa. The NP and Inkatha had unfavourable relations with the extra-parliamentary political formations. These were the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), the Black People's Convention (BPC), the South African Students' Organisation (SASO), the Afrikaner weerstandsbeweging (AWB) or Afrikaner Resistance Movement, the Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO), the Natal Indian Congress (NIC), the National Forum (NF), and the United Democratic Front (UDF). Their relations with both the NP and Inkatha in terms of their aims and strategies were marked by what one may convoke "timorous digressions." Most of them referred to the NP Government as illegitimate while viewing Inkatha as perpetrating political tribalism which to them was the greatest enemy of African freedom. By 1985 this intricate structure of political groupings and different aims and strategies, characterized a divided South Africa.
A comperative study of justice dispensation in Oyo and Zulu traditional administrative structures.
(Univeristy of Zululand, 2018) Olutayo, Ajayi Ayobami
The study compared justice dispensation in Oyo and Zulu traditional administrative structures. The specific objectives of the study were to explain, the purpose of customary courts in dispute resolution, the courts processes, litigation procedures, the impact of foreign contact on traditional and judicial administration, justice dispensation, separation of power were all examined. The study investigate the justice dispensation in customary courts among Oyo people of western Nigeria and Zulu people of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa.The study adopted the pragmatist research paradigm which combines both qualitative and quantitative research methods, the study largely used a survey design approach, the sample of the study was drawn the chiefs, palace officials, professional historians, and knowledgeable people on the research topic. The chiefs were interviewed because they were actively involved in justice dispensation in customary courts. Because of their experience over years in peace keeping and conflict settlement among the people of Africa. The random sampling technique was used to select the respondents for the study. The questionnaire was administered to the 120 respondents, 85 (70.83%) of whom returned the questionnaire, interviewed were also conducted with the chiefs in Oyo and Zulu. The quantitative aspect of the study was analysed using descriptive simple percentage methods, while the qualitative aspect of the data was analysed through the use of qualitative contents analysis.The findings revealed that the social demographic variables such as age, years, experience are were all important in justice dispensation in customary courts. The findings also revealed that there were due processes in customary courts administration before hearing will take place, chiefs are at liberty not only to cross- examine witnesses but also to ensure that the parties are fairly treated. The customary courts provided cheap, informal, flexible and speedy access to justice. The study now conclude that procedural and evidentiary approaches is to promote reconciliation and finding a mutually and acceptable solution to the dispute in our societies. Key words: Customary courts, Procedures, Justice Dispensation, Traditional chiefs, Plaintiff,
The compulsion of the apartheid regime, its demise and the advent of a new political dispensation in South Africa, 1948-1996
(University of Zululand, 2015) Jibril, Musa Ahmed; Shamase, M.Z.
The word apartheid refers to the racist belief that certain people are less human than others. In South Africa, the system technically began with the 1913 Land Act which set aside eighty-seven per cent (87%) of the most fertile land for white South Africans, leaving behind only thirteen per cent (13%) to be shared by the majority black Africans. This unequivocally generated a socio-political crisis in the country. Despite a plethora of literature on apartheid as such, there seems to have been some paucity of empirical studies on apartheid’s compulsion, its demise and the rise of a new political era during the period from 1948 to 1994. Puzzlement and curiosity within the public mind in South Africa and the world, about the gross violation of civil liberties perpetrated by the apartheid regime, prompted a scientific study of this nature. This study does not argue that the year 1948 marked the beginning of compulsive policies in South Africa On the contrary; there were various forms of compulsions that existed in South Africa prior to the period in question. The year 1948, however, serves as the point of departure for the study. The year 1948 ushered in the adoption and implementation of apartheid’s -social engineering by the ruling National Party- as an official State ideology. Between 1948 and 1988, a series of compulsive racial laws, which violated fundamental civil liberties, were passed by the South African parliament. Compulsive structures and strategies were devised and refined by the apartheid regime on the assumption of power in 1948 to safeguard and perpetuate the power in the face of a hostile and non-compliant majority. This led to a gradual, peaceful protest which later metamorphosed into various forms of political struggle. It was these forms of struggle that ensured the demise of apartheid and witnessed the advent of a new political dispensation in South Africa. From 1988 various political prisoners embarked on a hunger strike as a form of resistance to demonstrate their anger and rejection of apartheid compulsion. The hunger strike attracted the attention of the international community. This eventually led to more criticism and put pressure on the apartheid regime. As such, diplomatic and economic embargoes were placed on South Africa which greatly undermined its political and economic interests. What followed was mass disobedience and violent protests from different racial groups against the apartheid regime, thereby leading to the deaths of thousands of people, particularly those who vehemently opposed the compulsive racial laws. The victims that survived were either injured, imprisoned or forced to go into exile. Thus, the period between 1988 and 1990 was marked by intense resistance. In addition, the period in question destabilised the very foundation of 'apartheism' as an ideology in South Africa. It also signalled the demise of the compulsive segregationist policies in the country. The years between 1990 and 1994 played a vital role in the history and historiography of South Africa. They witnessed the release of the long-awaited political prisoner, Nelson Mandela, who championed the remaining campaigns against the compulsive apartheid tendencies. He was officially and unconditionally released from prison after spending about 10,000 days behind bars. The period in question was characterised by various apartheid strategies aimed at destabilising the liberation movement. The regime introduced improved survival strategies in arming the police and other security agents with more power to crush all forms of insurrection against it. In the space of four years, thousands of people lost their lives in regime-sponsored and politically related violence. South Africa was thrown into a state of anarchy characterised by, among other things, intense rivalry among political formations. The year 1994, however, witnessed a departure from apartheid to democracy. It paved the way for the emergence of Nelson Mandela as the first democratically elected president of South Africa. The period between 1994 and 1996 played a vital role towards consolidating a popular democratic political system in South Africa. The emerging government was faced with a plethora of administrative, social, economic and political challenges. In 1996, the Government of National Unity (GNU), as part of its policy for national reconciliation, established a commission of enquiry known as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The commission’s mandate was to investigate various crimes committed by both the regime and other opposition political organisations, including the liberation movement. The findings of the commission revealed that the apartheid regime and its agencies, the Inkatha Freedom Party, IFP, the African National Congress, ANC, and other political groupings had committed varying degrees of abuses on fundamental civil liberties in South Africa. It could be argued that South Africa’s democratic elections produced an outcome which closely paralleled the Namibian experience and not that of Angola. The advent of a new political dispensation was welcomed and accepted beyond the borders of South Africa. The tri-cameral parliament with its dominant white house, token houses for ‘Coloured’ and ‘Indian’ populations and total exclusion of African blacks, disappeared and was superseded by a democratically elected non-racial parliament. The homeland or Bantustan structures, i.e. the four (4) ‘independent’ and the six (6) ‘self-governing’ homelands melted away, capitulated or were deposed in the headlong and non-compulsive run-up to South Africa’s first democratic elections. Although the structures disappeared, their legacy lingered on in the form of a multiplicity of effects with which South Africa has had to grapple for years to come. Nominally the architects of apartheid’s compulsion survived the transfer of power to a majority government. Given their past record, they were extremely fortunate not to have been summarily banished to the political wilderness. This could be attributed either to the generosity of spirit displayed by the majority or to the good sense of the majority in pursuit of a compromise path to limit the possibility of violent conflict, or perhaps a mixture of both. A democracy, given the seminal role played by the security establishment as the instrument of compulsion and destabilisation, required security institutions for its continued well-being. Thus, the transformation of these institutions from instruments of compulsion to friendly protectors of civil liberties was crucial. Thus, from 1996 onwards, the new South Africa was substantially free from the kind of political violence which had resulted in deaths on an on-going basis.
The compulsion of the Apartheid regime, its demise and the advent of a new political dispensation in South Africa, 1948-1996
(University of Zululand, 2015) Jibril, Musa Ahmed; Shamase, M.Z
The word apartheid refers to the racist belief that certain people are less human than others. In South Africa, the system technically began with the 1913 Land Act which set aside eighty-seven per cent (87%) of the most fertile land for white South Africans, leaving behind only thirteen per cent (13%) to be shared by the majority black Africans. This unequivocally generated a socio-political crisis in the country. Despite a plethora of literature on apartheid as such, there seems to have been some paucity of empirical studies on apartheid’s compulsion, its demise and the rise of a new political era during the period from 1948 to 1994. Puzzlement and curiosity within the public mind in South Africa and the world, about the gross violation of civil liberties perpetrated by the apartheid regime, prompted a scientific study of this nature. This study does not argue that the year 1948 marked the beginning of compulsive policies in South Africa On the contrary; there were various forms of compulsions that existed in South Africa prior to the period in question. The year 1948, however, serves as the point of departure for the study. The year 1948 ushered in the adoption and implementation of apartheid’s -social engineering by the ruling National Party- as an official State ideology. Between 1948 and 1988, a series of compulsive racial laws, which violated fundamental civil liberties, were passed by the South African parliament. Compulsive structures and strategies were devised and refined by the apartheid regime on the assumption of power in 1948 to safeguard and perpetuate the power in the face of a hostile and non-compliant majority. This led to a gradual, peaceful protest which later metamorphosed into various forms of political struggle. It was these forms of struggle that ensured the demise of apartheid and witnessed the advent of a new political dispensation in South Africa.From 1988 various political prisoners embarked on a hunger strike as a form of resistance to demonstrate their anger and rejection of apartheid compulsion. The hunger strike attracted the attention of the international community. This eventually led to more criticism and put pressure on the apartheid regime. As such, diplomatic and economic embargoes were placed on South Africa which greatly undermined its political and economic interests. What followed was mass disobedience and violent protests from different racial groups against the apartheid regime, thereby leading to the deaths of thousands of people, particularly those who vehemently opposed the compulsive racial laws. The victims that survived were injured, imprisoned or forced to go into exile. Thus, the period between 1988 and 1990 was marked by intense resistance. In addition, the period in question destabilised the very foundation of 'apartheism' as an ideology in South Africa. It also signalled the demise of the compulsive segregationist policies in the country. The years between 1990 and 1994 played a vital role in the history and historiography of South Africa. They witnessed the release of the long-awaited political prisoner, Nelson Mandela, who championed the remaining campaigns against the compulsive apartheid tendencies. He was officially and unconditionally released from prison after spending about 10,000 days behind bars. The period in question was characterised by various apartheid strategies aimed at destabilising the liberation movement. The regime introduced improved survival strategies in arming the police and other security agents with more power to crush all forms of insurrection against it. In the space of four years, thousands of people lost their lives in regime-sponsored and politically related violence. South Africa was thrown into a state of anarchy characterised by, among other things, intense rivalry among political formations. The year 1994, however, witnessed a departure from apartheid to democracy. It paved the way for the emergence of Nelson Mandela as the first democratically elected president of South Africa. The period between 1994 and 1996 played a vital role towards consolidating a popular democratic political system in South Africa. The emerging government was faced with a plethora of administrative, social, economic and political challenges. In 1996, the Government of National Unity (GNU), as part of its policy for national reconciliation, established a commission of enquiry known as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The commission’s mandate was to investigate various crimes committed by both the regime and other opposition political organisations, including the liberation movement. The findings of the commission revealed that the apartheid regime and its agencies, the Inkatha Freedom Party, IFP, the African National Congress, ANC, and other political groupings had committed varying degrees of abuses on fundamental civil liberties in South Africa. It could be argued that South Africa’s democratic elections produced an outcome which closely paralleled the Namibian experience and not that of Angola. The advent of a new political dispensation was welcomed and accepted beyond the borders of South Africa. The tri-cameral parliament with its dominant white house, token houses for ‘Coloured’ and ‘Indian’ populations and total exclusion of African blacks, disappeared and was superseded by a democratically elected non-racial parliament. The homeland or Bantustan structures, i.e. the four (4) ‘independent’ and the six (6) ‘self-governing’ homelands melted away, capitulated or were deposed in the headlong and non-compulsive run-up to South Africa’s first democratic elections. Although the structures disappeared, their legacy lingered on in the form of a multiplicity of effects with which South Africa has had to grapple for years to come. Nominally the architects of apartheid’s compulsion survived the transfer of power to a majority government. Given their past record, they were extremely fortunate not to have been summarily banished to the political wilderness. This could be attributed either to the generosity of spirit displayed by the majority or to the good sense of the majority in pursuit of a compromise path to limit the possibility of violent conflict, or perhaps a mixture of both. A democracy, given the seminal role played by the security establishment as the instrument of compulsion and destabilisation, required security institutions for its continued well-being. Thus, the transformation of these institutions from instruments of compulsion to friendly protectors of civil liberties was crucial. Thus, from 1996 onwards, the new South Africa was substantially free from the kind of political violence which had resulted in deaths on an on-going basis.
The contribution of the People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) to democratic change in Swaziland, 1983-2013
(University of Zululand, 2018) Sereo, Hanky Prince
This is a historical study of modern politics in the Kingdom of Swaziland. It is a study of a leading driver for democratic change in Africa’s ‘only absolute monarchy’. The leading driver is a modern political formation known as the People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) and the study demonstrates a variety of ways in which the Swazi monarchy responded to PUDEMO’s struggle to democratise the Kingdom of Swaziland. These ways are presented as signs of democratic practice in a country that abolished the Independence Constitution and cardinal practices of liberal democracy in 1973, five years after the end of formal British rule. The thesis uses the experience of PUDEMO to show that the signs of change were not simply products of monarchical benevolence, but came about as a result of pressure put by PUDEMO on the Swazi leaders. It is a study of the history of PUDEMO and its contribution to the process of democratisation of Swaziland. It interrogates the various ways in which PUDEMO has influenced change towards a democratic dispensation in the country.
A critical study of the impact of the Government of National Unity in South Africa, 1994-1999
(University of Zululand, 2014) Mpanza, Jonathan Bafana; Shamase, M.Z.
It is important to note that much has been written on South Africa’s national Unity Government. Previous studies conducted on this topic were not as extensive as expected. Such studies were also unscientific, non-academic and more of journalistic writings. This lends credence to the necessity of undertaking an in-depth study on the topic which entails, inter alia, the impact of the Unity Government’s performance on various areas of governance from 1994-1999. The year 1994 is considered a turning point in the political history of South Africa. The people of South Africa gave the national Unity Government (GNU) a mandate through the country’s first democratic elections on the 27th April 1994 to embark on the fundamental transformation of the country. The upside of it was the trust and confidence that the black majority of South Africa had in the ANC-led government to redeem the country from high levels of unemployment, abject poverty, economic decline, to mention but a few. However, what was considered a set of solution to South Africa’s socio-economic problems, presented yet another set of challenges for the new government. Policy formulation and implementation became one of the major challenges of the unity government. The three parties in government namely, the African National Congress, Inkatha Freedom Party and the National Party did not always agree on issues of fundamental importance.On the education front, the statistical data point to service delivery and resource allocation challenges. Compared to learning institutions in white communities, some schools in KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga, Eastern Cape and Free State, were inadequately resourced and service delivery was far from reality. The unequal distribution of resources became the order of the day. The need to ensure economic growth and development through sound economic principles and policies could not be over-emphasized in the prevailing circumstances. The NP was critical of the ANC’s economic policies and often criticized them in public. This hampered the envisaged collective effort to effectively address the economic ills of the country. Another area of challenge was the multi-party politics within the government. It was expected that the ANC, IFP and NP as part of the coalition government sing the same tune in order to advance the course of democracy in South Africa. However, this was not always the case. The IFP advocated for a federal state, the NP felt so strong about the need for power-sharing, while the ANC on the other hand, with compromised stance on unitary state, had serious reservations about such propositions. This caused serious divisions among the three parties and it had a negative and detrimental impact on their collaborative effort. Eventually, the NP deemed it fit to withdraw from the Unity Government; thereby swelling the opposition ranks. Failure to reconcile their differences created a dangerous loophole. Another responsibility, with which the unity government was charged, was the realignment of South Africa’s foreign relations. This was quite a difficult challenge to deal with given the country’s image in the global context. South Africa had lost credibility with the global community because of the apartheid policy whose cause she championed unreservedly since 1948 up until the 1990s. The Unity Government’s sole responsibility in this regard, was to change the perception of the global community through the establishment of sound international relations and the maintenance of diplomatic ties. This would help South Africa expand on her economic sphere through foreign trade and investment; which were critical to economic growth and development. The legacy left by the interim Unity Government, points to the inadequate capacitation and perhaps limited resources to efficiently respond to the needs and demands of the country. In the post 1999 period, South Africa was still confronted with persistent poverty, high levels of unemployment, unequal allocation and distribution of resources as well as service delivery challenges. The first five years of democracy in South Africa were such a robust political engagement. It could be termed a “trial and error” period. Challenges of diverse magnitudes under such conditions would often be inevitable. Negative criticism becomes a possible eventuality. In the case of South Africa, the Unity Government was perceived by most South African citizens as the agent of transformation despite its shortfalls.
The development of Umlazi Mission Station and Reserve, 1856 - 1948, with special reference to the land problem
(1993) Ndaba, Dean Jabulani.; de Villiers, J.
The aim of this study was to give a general survey of the history of Umlazi Mission Station with particular emphasis on the land question between 1856 and 1948. The study highlights the fact that during these years, the Anglican Mission Station was characterised by many problems which aroused much controversy among various parties concerned. The numerous factors that led to the dispute among the parties can be broadly categorised as: (i) the inconsistent or erratic land policy of the Natal Colonial Government on mission stations which subsequently deprived the Blacks of Umlazi the right to own the land, (ii) ecclesiastical problems within the Anglican Church and the schism that emerged, (iii) interest shown by Whites and Indians in the mission station, (iv) the expansion of Durban as an industrial and commercial city, the dynamics of urbanisation and the proximity of Umlazi to Durban, (v) the pressure exerted by the Durban City Council to acquire Umlazi Mission for a black urban township and the resistance by black landowners at the mission station against incorporation, and (vi) Government intervention through the appointment of the Native Affairs Commission (1945) and the Broome Commission (1947 - 1948). The conclusion drawn is that Umlazi was a victim of many factors - geographic, religious, social, economic and political. The crucial period in the history of the mission station was 1942 -1948. The events during this period show how the geographic factor became the central issue in the dispute. The mission station had inevitably to be affected by the urbanisation process because of its proximity to the rapidly growing city. In addition to the above the industrial development in Durban was following a southward direction which brought the boundaries of the city close to Umlazi. Had the mission station been situated elsewhere in some remote part of the country, as with most mission stations in Natal, the development of the area would probably have taken a different course. This trend whereby rural areas situated close to fast growing urban areas are urbanised, is a world-wide phenomenon. However, one cannot overlook the fact that the Blacks were politically disadvantaged and without parliamentary power to veto the decision. This study shows, however, that much was done by the Smuts Government during the height of the controversy to treat the matter in an unbiased fashion by using commissions, consultations and open discussions from all parties concerned. All these events make the history of Umlazi Mission exceptional, fascinating and worthy of study.
Faction fighting in Msinga District from 1874-1906
(1994) Mthembu, Bhekuyise Isaac; Maphalala, S.J.
Faction fighting in Msinga started because of the shortage of land in this division. The oldest residents of the valley, the Sithole, aMachunu and aBathembu lived together very peacefully. Trouble started after the Colonial Government's demarcation of the valley into a reserve. Hundreds of people driven away from various parts of Natal arrived. These people had been removed from their areas because the Government needed those areas for settling white colonists. This part of Natal is arid, hilly and rocky. As a result, subsistence economy in the form of agriculture declined to a very large extent. The Government had no economic policy for these people. Starvation soon made the izizwe of the valley restless. Their amakhosi could not help them in any way. Eventually, it was a question of everyone struggling for survival. It was, for instance, not possible for aMabaso to live in peace with aBathembu because their location was completely surrounded by that of aBathembu. Inkosi Mganu Mvelase of aBathembu was not a war-like ruler but his neighbour, Inkosi Thulwana Ndabezitha of aMabaso had many grievances regarding land. In the long run, these amakhosi became enemies. Their izizwe started trying to push each other out of the reserve. When the two izizwe were up in arms against each other, it was the beginning of a tragedy for the whole division. Faction fighting that broke out between the two izizwe gave birth to the rest of the wars and the lamentable system of alliances. The attitude of the white civil servants towards Inkosi Kula Majozi worsened the state of the reserve. The enmity between the Sithole and aMaqamu was further aggravated by the partition of aMaqamu location after the deposition and exile of Inkosi Kula. The Government also proved to be inconsiderate of the feelings of aMaqamu by putting some of them under Inkosi Sibindi of aMabomvu. The Government was fully aware of the enmity between the two izizwe. Some of aMaqamu found themselves under Inkosi Bhande Sithole. When Inkosi Kula was reinstated, these people made a lot of noise demanding to be under their own inkosi. Fighting subsided in 1906, but that did not mean that the Government had succeeded in stopping faction fighting in the reserve. This was proved by the outbreaks of devastating wars between aBathembu and aMachunu in 1922 and 1944. The main significance of faction fighting is that it affects all aspects of life of the people involved. It is still very difficult to develop these victims economically and even educationally. The easy availability of guns has made matters far worse, even in the absence of a faction fight. Young men, most of whom with no formal schooling, easily get trapped in hooliganism. ^Employment chances are always slim. There are absolutely no activities to keep these young people occupied. They openly live by crime. To most of them, stealing is the way of life. They are nsed as hired killers only to meet the same fate themselves eventually. Even those who have access to arable land, show no interest in v i cultivating the soil. These wasted children have no way of making themselves economically productive. They are a burden to themselves and to the Government. Their built-in culture of fighting, has taught them to look down upon any man who does not possess a gun. Such a man is derogatorily referred to as a woman. When a faction fight breaks out, schools are usually disturbed because boys are bound to join their ward male members. They remain in hiding, preparing for attack or counter-attack, until fighting is over. Should fighting intensify, schools stop functioning altogether. Many boys leave school in such circumstances The question that remains now is, who or what will stop the war in Msinga? Unless a solution is found, to remedy the situation and restore dignity to these people, the future of Msinga will remain bleak
A historical analysis of Nigeria-South Africa migration patterns since 1960: Implications for their socio-political and economic relations
(University of Zululand, 2017) Pienswang, Longman Geoffrey
For over a century, cross border movement of people has been on-going between Nigeria and South Africa. Nigerians started immigrating to South Africa as early as 1905, and South African white Missionaries from the Dutch Reformed Church, on the invitation of the Sudan United Mission, for evangelical work. The missionaries from South Africa were assigned the Benue region of Nigeria for missionary evangelical work. By 1911, they were at Sai a Tiv village where they established the first mission station. These missionaries introduced modern education based on western civilisation to the area and introduced new seedlings that led to the transformation of agriculture in the Benue region. They also introduced modern medical practice that eradicated leprosy and other diseases that were rampant and brought in modern architecture to the Benue region. They established the NKST church which is widely spread among the Tiv and across central Nigeria. The study discusses the role of Nigeria in undermining the apartheid regime from 1960, which also coincided with the Sharpeville massacre. Nigeria spent its resources in the fight against apartheid. In doing that, Nigeria did not only engage apartheid South Africa alone but used the instrument of diplomatic relation in canvassing support on the international scale through the United Nations, the Commonwealth and the formation of the OAU which was largely funded by the Nigerian government. This research reveals Nigeria’s role in the de-colonisation process of not only apartheid South Africa but also the entire Southern African region. The study analyses the patterns of migration between the two countries and examine the implication of this migration on the socio-political and economic relationship since 1960. Relying on a qualitative methodology, the study uses the principle of saturation to interview participants; it also relies on archival records in addition to current literature on the phenomenon. The study used the Push pull and transnational migration theory for analysis. This study argues that although the migration phenomenon existed for over a century, the two countries are still engaged in frosty relationship expressed through xenophobic violence, drug trafficking, and human rights abuses. It also argues that the fundamental reason for this xenophobic attack can be traced in South Africa’s apartheid history, which left a society where black South Africans were separated from each other, and that the South African blacks came out of apartheid as landless poor peasants. Although the instrument of power lies in their hands, the economy is still largely controlled by the white minorities. The study concludes with a clarion call on the Nigerian and South African governments to reawaken Pan-Africanism that the continent is known for and to reinvigorate the African Ubuntu which seeks the welfare of an African brotherhood - that Africa is better together than disunited. Africa should work more on factors that unite them rather than on what divide them. In unity, the continent’s hopes for integration in economic, political and diplomatic relations will be realised.
A historical survey of the abakwaMzimela tribe of the Mthunzini district
(1988) Mmutlana, Rufus Mokgotlha.; van Jaarsveld, F.A.
In the past a historical survey of' an African society was a very rare endeavour, because this field of historical research was erroneously regarded as being out of the scope of the historians. At the moment historians have no excuse, for there is an enormous amount of primary source materials waiting to be explored. These sources have been available, but they were not utilized due to the lack of knowledge. Due to the slowness of the South African historians in responding to the challenging demand of writing about the history of African societies, non-academic writers pioneered the process. With particular reference to this research, works of earlier historians like A. T. Bryant cannot be overlooked. In reviewing Bryant's work, "Olden Times in Zululand and Natal", Shula Marks pointed out that it is full of "unscientific assumptions and strong prejudices" As a result of this discovery Bryant's work had to be used with caution. It however remains the most valuable written source on early Zulu history.
The historical trajectory of women participation in the Swazi parliament: breaking the barriers of patriarchy 1968–2015
(University of Zululand, 2021) Gama, Patience Vumile
The integration of women's experiences in Swazi historical discourse is still at an elementary development stage. This is particularly the case if we consider the involvement of women in the parliamentary affairs of the country in both the colonial and post-colonial periods. The little that we have deals with women from the royal family and their experiences, which hardly represents the experiences of women at grassroots level. This thesis is a contribution to historical writing on Swazi women and focuses on the evaluation of the magnitude to which Swazi women contribute in the Swazi political system, particularly their access to Parliamentary positions. The study shows that the ideology of patriarchy, as perpetrated by the adoption of a traditional system of governance since 1978, has frolicked an important role in limiting the access of women to Parliamentary positions and the general participation of women in the country’s political affairs. The fundamental argument of the thesis is that, in spite of public pronouncements by the Swazi leadership, and in spite of the provisions of the constitution of the country, women participation and representation in the Swazi Parliament remains peripheral. The adoption and implementation of a democratic electoral process has also done very little to allow women easy access to Parliament as representatives of their local communities. The thesis shows that women still struggle against the barriers of patriarchism that are systematically reinforced and buttressed in all rural areas where voting takes place. Through the use of a qualitative research methodology, the thesis generated data that indicates that the paths and avenues for women's access to Parliament in Swaziland have been made narrow since the gaining of independence in 1968. The thesis is an input to the existing literature on Swazi history, particularly the history of Swazi women’s access to Parliament and the county’s general political/ parliamentary system.
The history of abakwaMthethwa
(University of Zululand, 1995) Mthethwa, Absalom Muziwethu.; Cubbin, A.E.
AbaKwaMthethwa form a very important component of the Zulu nation as we know it today. They were in fact the vanguards in the implementation of the idea of a confederation of smaller states (clans) under one supreme ruler or a king who become their overlord. The history of abaKwaMthethwa is so wide that one would need volumes to do justice to it. This project is only going to deal with their movement from around uBombo mountains round about AD 1500 to 1818 when king Dingiswyo was assassinated by Zwide, inkosi of the Ndwandwe people. This project will furthermore concentrate on the life of Dingiswayo from the time he escaped death from his father. The project also seeks to examine the controversy surrounding Dingiswayo's formative journey. It is intended that Dingiswayo's influence and his contribution socially, politically, military and economically to the upliftment of the Mthethwa confederacy will be examined. Finally mention will be made of the royal imizi, some principal imizi not necessarily royal ones, as well as religious imizi that are to be found at KwaMthethwa.
A history of industrial development in the Kaduna state of Nigeria
(University of Zululand, 2016) Zubairu, Salihu Mustapha; Shamase, M.Z.
The study examines the historical process that laid the solid foundation for the establishment of industries in Kaduna State. The study argues and demonstrates that Kaduna possesses large markets and cheap labour occasioned by the incessant migration to the town at the early period of its establishment. Availability of raw material and its strategic location with regard to industrialization at both federal and state level led not only the establishment of industries but to the proliferation of large, small and medium industries in the state. The study also establishes that infrastructure such as adequate electricity, a good road network, and a reliable water supply have played a critical role in the survival of such industries. It is shown in the research that the industries enjoyed prosperity and development for nearly two- and-a-half decades after 1954. Industrial decline began in 1976 with the nationalization and indigenization of the industrial sector of Nigeria. By the late 1980s a number of industries had collapsed as a result of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) which gave room for second tie foreign exchange market. This resulted to a substantial devaluation of the naira, the abolition of import licences, changes to import duties intended to reduce the protection of domestic industries and the import-dependence of manufacturing, the abolition of export duties, deflationary management policies, deregulation of the banks, and a programme of privatization for some parastatals. Production and use of locally produced basic intermediate inputs by local industries were discouraged. The profitability of local production compared to imports fell significantly because of the substantial depreciation of the exchange rate of the naira against major international currencies. The study also establishes that other factors had contributed immensely on the decline and eventual collapse of industries in Kaduna state, import of foreign goods and materials, lack of proper control of borders, and the negligent attitude of politicians with the helm of the country’s affairs in their hands, production of inferior goods, corruption, and unfavourable and multiple taxation, among other things. The study also establishes that the collapse of industries in Kaduna state has created a wide economic gap which may take a long time to be filled. The effects include widespread unemployment, with hundreds of thousands of workers losing their jobs, particularly in the manufacturing industries such as textiles and food processing; widespread insecurity and interethnic religious crises in virtually all the nooks and crannies of Kaduna state. In fact the current security challenges that the country faces have a direct connection with the proliferation of unemployed youths. Poverty and popular hostility are increasing, which has created a huge problem the state which is finding them very difficult to contain. Finally, the study offers suggestions for the way forward. The challenges facing the power sector (shortages) must be squarely addressed, especially in the areas of energy generation, transmission, and distribution; corruption; unfavourable policies and multiple-taxation. When these are addressed, Kaduna State and Nigeria in general can be reindustrialized since they have both the human and mineral resources for such enterprise.
The history of the Mthiyane people who were removed from Richards Bay to Ntambanana wendsday 6 January 1976
(University of Zululand, 1998) Ntuli, Sihle Herbert.; Cubbin, Tony
This paper seeks specifically to analyse the history of the people who were forcibly removed from the present day Richards Bay (previously called Mhlathuze Lagoon.) to the arid land of Ntambanana. The Paper will concentrate on the experience endured by these people' during this unfortunate episode. The experience entailed difficulties, deaths, hunger, resistance and even in some cases willingness or happiness, homelessness etc. It is also interesting to indicate that the Group Areas Act, which strongly manifested itself through force removal was forcefully implemented in moving the original inhabitants of Richards Bay.
Impact of the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution on peace building and conflict prevention in Nigeria, 2000-2014
(University of Zululand, 2018) Babatunde, Olalekan Augustine
The study was undertaken to evaluate the impact of the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR) on peacebuilding and conflict prevention in Nigeria from 2000 to 2014. Established by the government as it transitioned to democratic governance in 2000, IPCR was mandated to identify the root causes of violent conflict in Nigeria through research and provide possible solutions through evidence-informed policy and practice options, and promotion of peacebuilding strategies. Recurring violent conflicts had not only destroyed several lives and property and displaced millions from their homes, but had also retarded the nation’s growth and development. Drawing from extensive sources of qualitative and quantitative data, the study examined the peacebuilding evidence that had worked and did not work for IPCR, and why, through conflict analysis model, theories of change and intervention theory for organizational development. Through historical, evaluative and descriptive analysis, the study found out that the Institute had within fifteen years of its history contributed to the promotion of peace through design and implementation of relevant, effective and efficient peacebuilding programmes for communities, women, youth, media, legislators, public servants, traditional, religious leaders and civil society. These groups of beneficiaries are the study’s target population. There was a strong evidence to argue that the impact of the interventions were mostly in short-term as it had impacted on the mind and work of beneficiaries but not enough to manage the underlying factors behind the recurrence of violent conflict in Nigeria. Nigeria often relapsed into more violence as soon as it gained some respite. Therefore, to achieve its mandate in the long, coherent and sustainable terms, the study suggests that the Institute must scale up its programmes to drastically stem the tide of violence through community peacebuilding. IPCR must make itself more visible at the community level because that was where most violent conflict originated. While the study recognized the fact that, though, the prevalence and complexity of underlying drivers of conflict in Nigeria were far beyond the ambit of one agency, it recommends the Institute to deepen and broaden its partnership and networks for greater peacebuilding impact. Similarly, the government needs to prioritize peace and security by increasing funding and giving sustainable support to IPCR as a democratic institution. Though much of its intervention impact still needed to be studied and learned, the study contends that better and more expanded programmes will make peacebuilding more effective and promote Nigeria’s peace in the long-term.

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