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- ItemThe nature of the tripartite alliance and its impact on the operations of the ANC government in South Africa, 1990-2017(University of Zululand, 2023) Myeni, Nkosingiphile Derick; Shamase, M. Z. and Gordon, W.This research claims that the ANC, COSATU, and SACP's Tripartite Alliance has had a volatile character ever since it was established in 1990. COSATU and the SACP have a farleft economic stance because they think that to solve South Africa's socioeconomic issues and the effects of apartheid, a socialist or communist society must be established. The tripartite alliance, according to this research, is an unusual form of government that consolidates the control of the African National Congress (ANC) as the dominant party through three parties, each of which has a distinct ideological history and support base. The structure is a special place for defining agendas and formulating policies, and it frequently runs afoul of these methods and instructions. The National Development Plan (NDP) was finalized in 2012, and the Tripartite Alliance as a framework had reached an agreement on developmental policy measures before its creation. To guarantee that a policy is given a priority position on the public policy agenda, the formulation of public policy in South Africa needs the support of several political players. The transition from apartheid to the new democratic dispensation has left behind a complicated policy environment that has given rise to a particular set of circumstances for policymaking. The thesis demonstrates how the inherited "revolutionary" posture allowed competing groups within the alliance to give conflicting and controversial interpretations of the ideological makeup of the ANC government's policies using "critical discourse" analysis. The analysis also shows how such a position enabled succeeding ANC administrations to embrace the "Keynesian-reformism" narrative that served to defend the Neo-liberal macroeconomic policy framework. According to the theory, the government used the ANC-led alliance's contradictory "revolutionary" position to further the interests of newly emerging black capitalists throughout the post-apartheid era. The Mbeki-Zuma leadership conflict sprang out of previous intra-Tripartite Alliance factional disputes, which provide fertile ground. The thesis investigates why the "revolutionary" posture taken by the ANC coalition throughout the lengthy racial liberation fight came to be the most polarising during the post-apartheid period. This study makes a strong case for the proposition that an alliance is not a coalition but rather a union of ideological appearance and politeness. The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) is the vehicle through which this is most strongly represented. The study further clarifies that the NDR continues to be the ANC's major political artery and plays a crucial role in the discussions of public policy and important platforms for each Alliance Partner. 12 ABSTRAK Hierdie navorsing maak die bewering dat die ANC, COSATU en SAKP se Drieparty-lliansie 'n wisselvallige karakter gehad het sedert dit in 1990 gestig is. COSATU en die SAKP het 'n ver-linkse ekonomiese standpunt omdat hulle dink dat om Suid-Afrika se sosio-ekonomiese kwessies op te los en die uitwerking van apartheid, moet 'n sosialistiese of kommunistiese samelewing gevestig word. Die drieparty-alliansie, volgens hierdie navorsing, is 'n ongewone regeringsvorm wat die beheer van die African National Congress (ANC) as die dominante arty konsolideer deur drie partye, wat elkeen 'n duidelike ideologiese geskiedenis en eunbasis het. Die struktuur is 'n spesiale plek om agendas te definieer en beleid te formuleer, en dit loop gereeld in stryd met hierdie metodes en instruksies. Die Nasionale Ontwikkelingsplan (NOP) is in 2012 gefinaliseer, en die Drieparty Alliansie as 'n raamwerk het 'n ooreenkoms bereik oor ontwikkelingsbeleidsmaatreëls voor die skepping daarvan. Om te verseker dat 'n beleid 'n prioriteitsposisie op die openbare beleidsagenda kry, benodig die formulering van openbare beleid in Suid-Afrika die ondersteuning van verskeie politieke rolspelers. Die organg van apartheid na die nuwe demokratiese bedeling het 'n ingewikkelde beleidsomgewing agtergelaat wat aanleiding gegee het tot 'n bepaalde stel omstandighede vir beleidmaking. Die tesis demonstreer hoe die oorgeërfde "revolusionêre" houding mededingende groepe binne die alliansie toegelaat het om teenstrydige en kontroversiële interpretasies van die ideologiese samestelling van die ANC-regering se beleid te gee deur gebruik te maak van "kritiese diskoers"-analise. Die ontleding toon ook hoe so 'n posisie opvolgende ANC-administrasies in staat gestel het om die "Keynesiaanse-reformisme"- narratief te omhels wat gedien het om die Neo-liberale makro-ekonomiese eleidsraamwerk te verdedig. Volgens die teorie het die regering die ANC-geleide alliansie se teenstrydige “revolusionêre” posisie gebruik om die belange van nuut-opkomende swart kapitaliste regdeur die post-apartheid-era te bevorder. Die Mbeki-Zuma-leierskapskonflik het ontstaan uit vorige faksiegeskille tussen die drieparty-alliansie, wat vrugbare grond gebied het. Die tesis ondersoek waarom die "revolusionêre" houding wat die ANC-koalisie ingeneem het gedurende die lang rassebevrydingstryd die mees polariserende gedurende die post-apartheid tydperk geword het. Hierdie studie maak 'n sterk argument vir die stelling dat 'n alliansie nie 'n koalisie is nie, maar eerder 'n vereniging van ideologiese voorkoms en beleefdheid. Die Nasionale Demokratiese Revolusie (NDR) is die voertuig waardeur dit die sterkste verteenwoordig word. Die studie maak verder duidelik dat die NDR steeds die ANC se belangrikste politieke slagaar is en 'n deurslaggewende rol speel in die besprekings van openbare beleid en belangrike platforms vir elke Alliansievennote.
- ItemAn historical investigation into healing trajectories of selected megachurches in the South African religiosity space, 2010-2018(University of Zululand, 2022) Mabuza, Lethabo StanleyContemporary South Africa is currently caught up in cross-road of incredulity of peculiar spiritual activities within religiosity space. The emergence of newly established churches, prophets and pastors in South Africa seems to be contributing factors on some questionable healing practices. In relation to some miracle practices, miracle healing today plays an important role in shaping the church existence in South African space. In some circumstances there were incidents couples with trending strange practices that form part of miracles which were taking place such as congregants made to eat grass, drink petrol, eat rats, snakes, spray doom and some cases putting ministers‟ shoe on women‟s private places and also standing on devotees‟ bodies. It is in view of the above incidents that this study focused on investigation into healing trajectories of selected megachurches in South African religiosity space from 2010-2018. In this regard, South African government has a huge role to play in order to enforce ethical principles onto some churches and religious groups. In this study the researcher employed a qualitative method approach. The aim of the study was to investigate into the healing trajectories of some selected megachurches in South African religiosity space. The design for the study was interpretative phenomenal hence included ethnographic, exploratory and contextual approaches. Non-probability and purposeful sampling procedures were employed in this study in which Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis strategy was also employed to analyse the data for the research. The researcher considered interpretative phenomenal approach to analyse the data in order to determine healing trajectories within megachurches in the South African religiosity space. The findings of the study were that: most of the megachurches perform miracles healing that are fake and unfounded, however, some participants indicated that they got spiritual, economic and social assistant from other megachurches that perform both healing and miracles. Criticism surfaced from the narrative of sick people who went and attended healing services to some megachurches with great hopes to be healed and such healing miracles did not happen. The study also found that social and economic aspects are the major contributing factors that propel people to flock to some megachurches both miracles and problem solving. The findings further revealed that in some megachurches faith and biomedicine are discouraged to be utilised by members, thus, pastors and prophets who discourage their members from considering biomedical treatments are found to be genocide. The findings also revealed that sexual abuse in some megachurches is a serious problem that constitutes unethical conduct by some prophets and pastors. It also surfaced from the findings that some church leaders visit Western African states for the purpose to acquire powers for healing from the African Traditional Healers. Findings also indicated that there are no distinctions between “major” and “white collar” prophets. Their (prophets) actions are similar. Both classes of prophets are after money and they both display criminal acts to their members. A numbers of sexual abuse on female followers and congregants were reported as others are still under SAPS investigations. The findings further suggests that regulation of churches and religious practices might attempt to solve the crisis of abusive pastors and prophets in some selected churches, this might be an opportunity where new and challenging religious problems would be curbed.
- ItemThe international relations policies of South Africa, 1990-2008(University of Zululand, 2019) Maphumulo, Simangele MonicaThis study aimed at examining the issue of participatory, or “democratic,” international relations’ policy making through the lens of International Relations Policy Analysis (IFPA), a theoretical approach that helped provide the definitional framework for the study. Various regime types and leadership characterised and shaped South Africa’s international relations policies during the epoch in question. This necessitated a theoretical and empirical exposition of the various thrusts and narratives of South African government’s international relations policies during crucial epochs in the country’s history. The 1948-1989 era saw the rule of National Party until the unbanning of the ANC. This was characterized by South Africa’s efforts to counter its growing international isolation and find friends wherever they could be solicited. Key problematizing issues included withdrawal from the Commonwealth; growing international isolation; strained ties with the United Nations; growing estrangement from the United States and traditional allies in Europe; growing ties with other global pariahs; clandestine propaganda and sanctions-busting efforts; and Pretoria’s efforts to build ties with African states. The period 1994-1999 witnessed the culmination of South African re-engagement efforts and saw the country, still basking in the afterglow of its successful transition under the rule of the African National Congress, play an active and outsized role in the international arena. However, South African international relations’ policy during this period also was marked by significant difficulties in balancing its idealist aims with more “realist” considerations. No longer was a global pariah, South Africa was ultimately compelled to make difficult geopolitical choices. The epoch 1999-2008 endorsed efforts to bring peace, democracy, and prosperity to the rest of Africa while positioning Pretoria as an influential actor both globally and on the continent. South Africa’s growing prioritization of the developing world; its global diplomatic expansion; Pretoria’s efforts to “punch above its weight” in the international arena, on such issues as reform of global governance structures; and its shift from a human rights focus in the early period to more “pragmatic” policies. What served as justification for this study is that these developments advocated the need to “democratize” international relations’ policy making, making it more participatory and open to inputs from broader society as well as ensuring legislative oversight to prevent the executive from policy unilateralism. This was best be demonstrated by delving into varying Presidencies on International Relations’ Policy Making and Ruling Regimes in perspective; international Relations’ Policy in the Period of Transition; as well as international Relations in the pragmatic era, disaggregating a plethora of protagonists involved in the process—both from the influencing and decision-making sides of the coin— analyzed their individual roles in the process of international relations’ policy democratization until 2008.
- ItemThe birth and evolution of the Military in Independent Swaziland 1973-2013(University of Zululand, 2019) Sihlongonyane, PreciousSwaziland is one of the few African countries that has experienced neither a military coup nor a civil war, and has remained peaceful since independence in 1968 from the British. What transpired in Swaziland after independence was not uncommon in post-colonial Africa as evidence suggests that independent African states were motivated by numerous dynamics to build standing armies as security institutions. The intention of the study is to analyse the dynamics that led to the establishment and development of the Swazi army, and how this army has developed overtime and what interests it has served. The study intends to explore both the internal and regional circumstances that played an important role in the formation of the army in the country. The study also analyses the trajectory of the development of the Swazi army over the years with particular reference to its relations with general society.
- ItemThe political economy of Swaziland's quest to incorporate Ingwavuma and parts of Mpumalanga(South Africa)(UNIVERSITY OF ZULULAND, 2019) Gama, Stanley.MThis study analyses the political economy of Swaziland’s quest to incorporate Ngwavuma and parts of Mpumalanga. The primary research question is: What drives Swaziland to pursue the issue of the land that was taken from her during the colonial era despite the declaration by the Organization of African Unity that all colonial boundaries should not be tampered with in adjusting the present borders. The study uses the Swaziland – South Africa border issue, to investigate the dynamics behind Swaziland’s quest to incorporate Ingwavuma and some parts of Mpumalanga. The findings of the study are not unique to Swaziland and South Africa but are relevant to Africa as a whole. Firstly, the study employed a political economy approach or theoretical framework which combines both the political and economic aspects and gives a better understanding of the factors involved in the whole set of border adjustments between South Africa and Swaziland. Is the theory of the interplay between politics and economics in driving historical events and processes over time. The political economy makes intensive and extensive use of class analysis in making sense of the community and history but does so in the context of the environmental, cultural, political, and other economic processes. Secondly, this research study used a qualitative research approach because of its ability to provide more detailed information on a subject. The study also relied on fieldwork in the particular borderland societies astride the South African – Swaziland boundary. It was further informed by archival research. Secondary data was collected from the existing literature on African boundaries themes. The study highlighted the political and economic gains that Swaziland would have if Ingwavuma and parts of Mpumalanga were to be incorporated. The economic benefits would be massive as there are natural resources in those areas. The political impact of the country would also be transformed into a very influential status in the region